Nixon’s Soviet Pepsi Stunt

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Richard Nixon eagerly awaits the verdict of Nikita Khrushchev.

Pepsi’s love affair with Russia dates way back to the early days of the cold war. It all started with Nikita Khrushchev taking a harmless sip of the drink at an American trade exhibition in Moscow in 1959.

Donald M. Kendall, himself Former Chairman and Chief Executive Officer of PepsiCo recalls the event as being an, “…inspiring start of a lifelong love affair with Russia…”

According to Kendall, Richard Nixon, the vice-president at the time was instrumental in steering Khrushchev to the Pepsi stand back in 1959.

After the tasting, Khrushchev revealed himself as a Pepsi ‘aficionado’. He urged everyone present to, “Drink the Pepsi-Cola made in Moscow. It’s much better than the Pepsi made in the U.S.”

Fifteen years after the 1959 Pepsi binge, the first Pepsi can was sold in the sparse grocery shelves of the USSR. Due to its horrendous price tag a Pepsi can became more of a trophy item in grocery stores rather than the mass beverage it was in the U.S.

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Pepsi label in the Soviet Union.

Even in the glasnost era Pepsi remained a rare delight. One would know to impress a date with a can or a western candy bar as it symbolized both sacrifice, some degree of affluence and genuine affection for the counterpart. So did a trip to McDonalds, which often topped of an exclusive date.

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Pepsi so far has defied the capital flight trend observed in Russia.

Pepsi or “Bebsi” as some of the Russian’s would pronounce it, quickly rose in popular demand as it become somewhat affordable to the masses in the 1990’s.

Today Pepsi is no longer an idle shelf-item but part of one of Russia’s largest and most vibrant multinational investors. PepsiCo at large has invested $19bn in Russia, at a time were increasing amount of investors are worried with Russia’s authoritarianism and at times, its volatile political situation.

Some have even suggested that the “country is going down the toilet” and that its kingpin Vladimir Putin is in ”la la land” when it comes to the budget.

More and more firms seem to share the same sentiment. Russian capital flight has been negative for three consecutive years now.

The business climate in Russia seems to have emulated the harsh Russian winter as even the most loyal of oligarchs have started to ship out their capital. Mikhail Prokhorov, the country’s third richest man recently securing a London listing for his Polyus Gold miner.

Steven Dashevsky, managing partner of Dashevsky & Partners sums up the situation in a more subtle tone when he suggests that, “…for rational investors there are just not that many reasons to invest in Russia any more.”

Yet Pepsi seems to defy the mainstream. Back in October of 2011 it announced plans to invest an additional $1bn in the Russian market. AIndra Nooyi, PepsiCo’s chief executive made the announcement after several meetings with Putin. It seems that as many western companies struggle to breakthrough in the Russian market, that PepsiCo has greased the wheels in just the right places.

The close cooperation of both PepsiCo and the Kremlin has ensured smooth acquisitions such as PepsiCo’s deal last year in which it acquired Wimm-Bill-Dann, the Russian dairy producer for a whopping $5.4bn.

Indra Nooyi applauds Russia for being a “well-managed country” a euphemism for the preferential treatment which PepsiCo seems to enjoy. Furthermore Nooyi has stressed the positive record of the Russian government in helping PepsiCo, “through regulation and licenses”.

From all these comments it has become clear that PepsiCo had devised a very effective strategy of clearly de-coupling polemic politics and business and immersing itself fully into the Kremlin community. A strategy which bears risk but has paid of well for the American multinational.

Richard Nixon may be best known for his bold China visit in 1972, yet it seems that without Tricky Dick’s Pepsi stunt back in 1959Pepsi would have not have the overwhelming success it has today in Russia.

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Tricky Dick does it yet again; opening new frontiers for American commerce.

“This, I believe is the single most precious freedom that prison takes away from us: the freedom to breathe freely, as I now can” Alexander Solzhenitsyn in his renowned poem ‘Freedom to Breathe.’

Alexander Solzhenitsyn during his exile in the United States was once asked to portray what freedom embodied. He deeply inhaled while the Times photographer snapped this shot in the Vermont winter. The above poem line from Solzhenitsyn really compliments this photo in my opinion.

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Oligarch Amnesty

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As the German national squad continues to trump in the European football championship, the German political echelon is faced with a moral dilemma.

On the one hand Merkel and her entourage would like to continue their strident boycott of the current Ukrainian leadership, yet on the other hand they would not want to miss out on the priceless patriot publicity that is the European football championship.

If one takes the chancellery’s press statements for granted, the elephant in the room seems to be the recent imprisonment of Yulia Volodymyrivna Tymoshenko, former Prime Minister of Ukraine. Both Angela Merkel and Guido Westerwelle, the current German Foreign Minister have issued their concern over the imprisonment of the female icon of the 2008 Orange Revolution.

In response to the imprisonment the German Foreign ministry linked the fate of Kiev’s association agreement with the EU to the prison treatment of Tymoshenko.

The Tymoshenko episode is especially bizarre and hypocritical if one considers how vocal both Germany and the EU have been on the matter. If one recalls the German abstention on Libya in the United Nations Security Council vote or the timid and delayed public outcry against Assad’s crimes, one becomes unpleasantly surprised by the hypocritical and emotional attachment of Guido Westerwelle and the chancellery office.

Like most current oligarchs, Tymoshenko made her fortunes in the wild 90’s, which saw unfettered corruption, tax evasion, violence and crime take over Ukraine.

With the introduction of the Law of Cooperatives in 1988 Tymoshenko seized the opportunity and founded a Komsomol video rental chain named Terminal, which later got privatized and made its money primarily with adult films.

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Raunchy content sold itself well in the post-Soviet Union and so Tymoshenko’s stellar carrer continued at The Ukrainian Petrol Corporation. It is here where Tymoshenko entered the corruption-infested ranks of Ukrainian society.

Her patron and protector at the time, Pavlo Lazarenko is currently serving a nine-year prison term in the United States for money laundering, wire fraud, and transporting stolen goods.

In mid-February 2001, Tymoshenko herself was arrested on charges of forging customs documents and smuggling gas. She was however acquitted of her charges a few weeks later.

The Tymoshenko case in general has two aspects to it, namely:

  1. That both the trial and imprisonment are politically motivated and have been ordered in by certain political echelons, which are most probably to be found in the resurgent pro-Russia camp of Ukrainian politics.
  2. Tymoshenko like all of her counterparts is guilty of corruption and tax evasion throughout the 1990’s. The extent and magnitude can be debated in this case. Unfortunately the distorted trial is bound to not uncover the full gravity of Yulia Tymoshenko’s crimes.

Subsequently the EU and Germany would be well advised to caution their support for a politician, who made her fortune with adult movies, a gas enterprise riddled with corruption and an opportunist behaviour, which saw Tymoshenko two years after her 2008 revolution coup betray her values and supporters and side with the proclaimed arch enemy; Viktor Fedorovych Yanukovych, Ukraine’s current president.

Instead the EU and Germany should highlight and condemn the constant intimidation of investigative journalists such as Oleksiy Matsuka or the violent attacks against Oleksander Vlaschenko, an investigative reporter for the local newspaper Nashe Misto.

In a perverse turn of events it almost seems as if the western European echelons are trying to claim amnesty for their elite counterpart. One should consider and enjoy Tymoshenko ascent to power with a grain of salt. 

In sum Tymoshenko flamboyant career has gone from porn to prison and the west seems more than ever intent to reanimate the female oligarch figure.

 

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For a poignant overview of Tymoshenko ‘s carrer consult the Gender and Women’s Leadership reference handbook:

Karen O’Connor, Gender and Women’s Leadership : A Reference Handbook (Thousand Oaks, Calif.: SAGE Reference, 2010), 491-493.

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